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Home/Featured/Welcome To Culture War 4.0: The Coming Overreach

Welcome To Culture War 4.0: The Coming Overreach

Culture War 4.0 just might be the worst and most destructive stage of the conflict over culture, values, and the American public square.

Written by Benjamin Domenech and Robert Tracinski | Friday, July 10, 2015

Religious believers weighing the option of withdrawing from a culture increasingly hostile to their values should redouble their efforts to cultivate their ideas within active subcultures that influence the nation and the next generation of Americans. Those who share a commitment to the freedom to think, speak, associate, publish, and express their beliefs may not have the American Civil Liberties Union in our corner any more—but that just means that we get to take up the noble cause, and the moral authority, they have abandoned.

 

For those Americans who hoped the culture wars would finally end, the month of June reminded us they’re just getting started.

Within hours of the Supreme Court’s resolution of the battle over same-sex marriage—the triumph of a generation of gay-rights activists—some were already calling for further steps to take tax exemptions away from churches, use anti-discrimination laws to target religious non-profits, and crack down on religious schools’ access to voucher programs. We learned media entities would no longer publish the views of those opposed to gay marriage or treat it as an issue with two sides, and the American Civil Liberties Union announced it would no longer support bipartisan religious-freedom measures it once backed wholeheartedly. A reality TV star pushed the transgender rights movement into the center of the national dialogue even as Barack Obama’s administration used its interpretation of Title IX to push its genderless bathroom policies into public schools. And we learned that pulling Confederate merchandise off the shelves isn’t enough to mitigate the racism of the past—we must bring down statues and street signs, too, destroying reminders of history now deemed inconvenient and unsafe.

On college campuses and in the workplace, across mass media and social media, for American celebrities and private citizens, every comment, act, or joke can make you the next target for a ritual of daily attack by outraged Twitter mobs. It is now an unavoidable fact of life that giving money to the wrong cause, making a “clumsy attempt at humor,” or taking the wrong side on a celebrity, religious debate, or magazine cover can lead to threats of violent death, end your career in an instant, or make you the most hated person in America for 15 minutes—longer if you bungle the apology.

Whether you care about the culture war or not, it cares about you.

How did we get here? By so many measures, there has never been a better time to be anything other than a straight white male in America. Women are thriving in higher education and the workforce. The Supreme Court just declared gay Americans can now marry anyone they please. We have elected and re-elected the nation’s first black president, and there is a good chance he might be followed by the first female president. The polls indicate social liberalism and libertarianism is triumphant in every arena; even acceptance of polygamy has doubled in the past 15 years, according to Gallup.

How can it be that just as these big issues about how we live together have been settled fairly decisively, the culture war seems more vicious than ever?

Understanding why we are here requires understanding where we came from, and why Culture War 4.0 just might be the worst and most destructive stage of the conflict over culture, values, and the American public square.

Culture War 1.0

As with so many terrible things, it started with the Baby Boomers.

The first modern American culture war was initiated by the Left in the sixties. It was called the Counterculture, and consisted of a combination of two things: a promise of “liberation” from restrictions that seemed overly Puritanical and outmoded, combined with an ideological goal of the destruction of existing social institutions such as church, family, and capitalism.

The first aim had a broad appeal, promising freedom from blue-nosed moral scolds and a liberating revolution in human behavior. But the second was a more aggressive and provocative attack on institutions that had endured since before the country existed. By the late 1970s, the effects of the Counterculture were hitting with full force, and people didn’t like what they saw.

Culture War 2.0

That leads us to Culture War 2.0, which stretched through the 1980s and into the 1990s, when more conservative Boomers, including an expanding number of politically active evangelical Christians, banded together with the World War II generation to effectively reassert itself in directing American culture. The “silent majority” decided they were the Moral Majority, rallying around political movements to promote traditional values. Reagan Democrats partnered with Republicans to pursue a law-and-order agenda. Overwhelming bipartisan majorities passed religious freedom laws, which Bill Clinton dutifully signed. Political wives started a crusade against violent and sexually explicit television, movies, and popular music.

This was an era that saw Dee Snider of Twisted Sister taking on Al and Tipper Gore in Senate hearings. In it, you see the seeds of rebellion—at that stage a value invoked against conservative traditionalism. The video for “We’re Not Gonna Take It” (one of the “Filthy Fifteen” songs Democrats and Republicans targeted) is all about a bunch of Counterculture freaks rebelling against traditional society, as represented by an overbearing father figure.

But the wheel turns, and today, on the basis of the lyrics alone, that song could probably be co-opted as a libertarianish populist anthem for whoever runs against Hillary Clinton.

Culture War 3.0

The iron law of the culture wars is that the public hates overreach—and each side will always overreach. Culture War 2.0 started to wind down with the Clinton impeachment, which was presented (fairly or not) as an intrusive inquisition into the personal sex life of the president, an indictment of something that, while tawdry, was no longer viewed as rendering a president unfit for office.

Read More

Related Posts:

  • The Religious Freedom Restoration Act at 30
  • The Art of (Culture) War Requires Knowing Your Opponent
  • Isolationism: A Historic and Christian Take
  • Is Christianity No Longer in Decline?
  • The End of Bourgeois Values

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